Part of Criminal Justice and Immigration Bill – in a Public Bill Committee am 4:45 pm ar 27 Tachwedd 2007.
Edward Garnier
Shadow Minister (Justice)
4:45,
27 Tachwedd 2007
No they are not. This is a public duty, which I enjoy.
In my view, it follows that the introduction of custodial sentences for section 55 offences committed by journalists is capable of interfering with their article 10 rights. Accordingly, under the consistent jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, the introduction of those sanctions cannot be justified, unless there is a pressing social need and the interference is proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued. Furthermore, the reasons for introducing those sanctions must be relevant and sufficient.
The inclusion of a penalty of imprisonment within the civil liability deterrent regime has not been shown to be a necessary response to any pressing social need, or to be proportionate or otherwise justified. I said at the beginning of my remarks that there have been only 26 prosecutions under section 55 of the 1998 Act and that only two of those resulted in fines of more than £5,000. If that is correct, and on the facts as we know them, there does not seem to be a need to ratchet up the criminal regime so dramatically.
According to the Government’s response to the consultation process, or at least to the remarks from the groups that I mentioned before—the editors and so forth—they do not expect the number of prosecutions to increase if custodial sentences are made available. It must follow, therefore, that the prosecution of offences has not been discouraged by the lack of custodial sentences. Furthermore, in view of the few prosecutions that have taken place, the penalties imposed have tended to be modest fines—some in the low hundreds—even though a conviction on indictment makes an unlimited fine available.
The facts and arguments that I have presented to the Committee suggest that existing penalties are more than sufficient to deal with offences under section 55. On that basis, I urge the Government to rethink Clause 75 and to consider whether their proposals are necessary and justified.
A parliamentary bill is divided into sections called clauses.
Printed in the margin next to each clause is a brief explanatory `side-note' giving details of what the effect of the clause will be.
During the committee stage of a bill, MPs examine these clauses in detail and may introduce new clauses of their own or table amendments to the existing clauses.
When a bill becomes an Act of Parliament, clauses become known as sections.
Also referred to as the ECHR, the European Court of Human Rights was instituted as a place to hear Human Rights complaints from Council of Europe Member States; it consists of a number of judges equal to the number of Council of Europe seats (which currently stands at 45 at the time of writing), divided into four geographic- and gender-balanced "Sections" eac of which selects a Chamber (consisting of a President and six rotating justices), and a 17-member Grand Chamber consisting of a President, Vice-Presidents, and all Section Presidents, as well as a rotating selection of other justices from one of two balanced groups.
A parliamentary bill is divided into sections called clauses.
Printed in the margin next to each clause is a brief explanatory `side-note' giving details of what the effect of the clause will be.
During the committee stage of a bill, MPs examine these clauses in detail and may introduce new clauses of their own or table amendments to the existing clauses.
When a bill becomes an Act of Parliament, clauses become known as sections.