Criminal Justice Bill – in a Public Bill Committee am ar 21 Ionawr 2003.
Dominic Grieve
Shadow Minister (Home Affairs)
Having a meeting with constituents in the Lobby and getting to Committee on time nearly caused me problems, but I return to the matter of omitting subsection (5). The Minister will recall that I explained that I am in doubt as to its meaning, so it would be helpful if he explained what it is. My concern is that it would be possible, if I have understood correctly, for evidence to be admitted at a second trial that would not have been admissible at the first. For example, as a result of subsection (5), would evidence of bad character, whose admissibility we shall facilitate in a later part of the Bill, be admissible at a retrial even though it was not admissible at the first?
I remind the Minister of my previously expressed concern about the legitimate opportunities open to the defence to make choices based on the existing rules of evidence—for example, circumstances in which a defendant may have exercised the right to silence. That right has since been abrogated in its absolute sense, because it is possible to draw inferences from silence that it might not have been possible to draw when the offence was alleged to have been committed. The Committee should be aware that we might end up addressing problems of unfairness because the rules under which a retrial will take place differ from those for the original trial and investigation.
That is a discrete point, and I do not want to spend any more time on it as I should like to hear from the Minister why subsection (5) exists if not for that purpose, what its purpose is and whether we need it.
Hilary Benn
Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Home Office) (Minister for Prisons and Probation)
One could conceive of circumstances arising from the time when DNA evidence was in its early stages and regarded as inadmissible because it was not a sufficiently tried and tested method of science for determining identity. There would not be many such circumstances, but subsection (5) would apply to that one.
Sylvia Hermon
Shadow Spokesperson (Women), Shadow Spokesperson (Trade and Industry), Shadow Spokesperson (Culture, Media and Sport), Shadow Spokesperson (Home Affairs)
Will the Minister address the point that a person is entitled to a trial within a reasonable time? He said that when DNA was discovered almost 18 years ago, it may have been a little unreliable. Is he suggesting that that sort of evidence could now be used in retrials? Would such trials take place within a reasonable time under the European convention?
Hilary Benn
Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Home Office) (Minister for Prisons and Probation)
That evidence might be used, subject to the tests that we have discussed in relation to clauses 65 and 66. Science has moved on since DNA samples were first taken. Then, quite a blob of material was needed—I put it in a non-scientific way—to establish the required information, and that can now be done from a much smaller blob or piece of material. That does not stand in the way of the general thrust of the Clause, although I recognise the hon. Lady's concern and Opposition to the provisions, and nor do I think that it stands in the way of a fair trial. Clause 66(2) refers to the possibility of a fair trial and clause 66(2)(b) to the length of time involved. The Court of Appeal will have to weigh those things in the balance when it decides whether a retrial can be considered.
Admissibility is not an issue, because the court will have to decide whether any new evidence is compelling and indicative of guilt. It will not be concerned with whether the new evidence would have been admissible if it had been available at the original trial. That would have been a matter for the trial judge at the time, dealt with in the context of the trial as a whole. Here, however, the court will have to be concerned with the value of new evidence in the context of a potential retrial.
Dominic Grieve
Shadow Minister (Home Affairs)
I understand the Minister's point. Indeed, as I look at the scope of the Clause and the fact that it relates specifically to the Court of Appeal's consideration, I can see the force of his argument. However, there would still be a problem if someone could say about a retrial, ''As well as the DNA evidence, we are in a position to put before the court the previous character of the defendant.'' Until now, that could not happen. Are we likely to see that happening in applications to the Court of Appeal? If so, the Committee should be aware of it.
Hilary Benn
Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Home Office) (Minister for Prisons and Probation)
Indeed, that could be a consideration, which would depend on the facts of the case and the nature of the evidence. The hon. Gentleman anticipates later clauses on bad character. However, in so far as it has clarified the matter, the Amendment has been helpful.
Simon Hughes
Shadow Spokesperson (Home Affairs)
I wondered whether the Minister would introduce any argument or research to support his proposition. I skimmed through various papers to see whether anyone had addressed it specifically. The Home Affairs Committee did not appear to do so, and nor did the white paper. The Law Commission report No. 267, ''Double Jeopardy and Prosecution Appeals'', which predated that consideration, addresses the question indirectly. Recommendation 3 at paragraph 4.69 states:
''We recommend that
(1) the new exception should be available only where the court is satisfied that the new evidence
(a) appears to be reliable; and
(b) when viewed in context, appears at that stage to be compelling;
(2) the context in which the court views the new evidence for this purpose should comprise the issues that arose at trial, whether or not a matter of dispute between the prosecution and the defence''.
By implication, that means that the Law Commission did not envisage inclusion of matters that did not arise at trial, and issues that were excluded by virtue of the evidence would clearly not have arisen at the trial.
I share that concern, so I want to ask a neutral question about whether any work has been done to analyse what the provision will mean in practice. I have not seen any, and if no analysis has been made, the situation is more dangerous than it would be if the Government could confirm that the university of London or the institute of criminology at the university of Cambridge had considered the issue. I am not aware that the Government have ever put forward before the argument that we have heard today, and I have never seen any assessment of its implications or any expert advice on it.
We should resist taking such a dangerous and controversial course without knowing its implications. Does the Minister have any such information? If not, will he make inquiries to find out whether any research has been done and put any such information in the public domain, as the point seems to raise issues that have not previously been considered?
Dominic Grieve
Shadow Minister (Home Affairs)
The hon. Gentleman may have hoped that the Minister would respond, but he has not sought to do so.
It is logically arguable that when the Court of Appeal considers whether evidence is reliable and substantial, it should do so on the basis of current tests of admissibility. As I listened to the Minister, I appreciated that the subsection was included to cover evidence, such as DNA evidence, that might not have been admissible 25 years ago because people did not know about it, but which should be admissible now that they do.
I had tabled another Amendment to add the word ''not'' after the word ''would'' in order to clarify what is otherwise a slightly opaque phrase. The Minister laughed during a previous sitting when I talked about ''calling a spade a spade.'' For the purposes of subsection (5), it is actually irrelevant whether any evidence would not have been admissible—rather than would have been admissible—in earlier proceedings to which the appeal relates. That is obvious when one reads the whole Clause.
My concern is that the provision could be applied not only to forensic scientific evidence but to a wider range of evidence under the new rules of admissibility. That would not be new evidence. It would be old evidence that could not be admitted in the past but could be now under new rules, such as the rules relating to bad character. The bad character of a defendant would have been known at the time of the original trial, just as it would be known when decisions about a retrial were being made. Whereas, in the past, it would have been regarded as an irrelevancy except if he were convicted, it might now be regarded as highly relevant and capable, with other factors, of being probative because inferences could be drawn from it.
That issue interests me in two ways. First, I am interested in whether the Court of Appeal could be
invited to take that evidence into account in deciding whether a retrial should take place. Secondly, I am interested in whether the evidence could be admitted at the retrial under the ordinary rules of court that operate at the time, which would be the rules of court of 2003, not the rules of court that applied when the offence was committed—in, for example, the 1970s. The Committee is entitled to clarification so that we may understand the impact of the subsection. I leave to one side for the moment whether it is right or wrong. I just want to know where we stand.
Hilary Benn
Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Home Office) (Minister for Prisons and Probation)
2:45,
21 Ionawr 2003
The hon. Gentleman is right. Any retrial would clearly have to take place under the current rules of evidence and procedure. There could not be a retrial in aspic under the rules that applied at the time of the original trial. In asking the Court of Appeal to consider its functions under the Clause, it cannot be right to ask it to second-guess what the ruling might have been on the earlier occasion.
Dominic Grieve
Shadow Minister (Home Affairs)
That must be right. Of course, when it comes to the question of an inference to be drawn from silence at an interview, if the original interview under caution took place in 1975, I assume, applying the ordinary rules, that—although the law may since have changed so that an inference can be drawn—no inference could be drawn because the key issue would be what was said at the time that the caution was administered, and what that caution was. That highlights for me the practical difficulties that might arise, particularly in the case of retrials relating to investigations and first trials that took place a considerable time ago.
The Minister did not quite answer my second question, which went back to the specific Court of Appeal proceedings. For instance, a prosecution might seek to adduce reliable and substantial evidence by which it could be considered highly probable that a person was guilty of an offence. That evidence might comprise not only the fact that DNA can now be provided but the fact that it will now be possible to cite, in the course of the trial, the defendant's previous bad character and the fact that he had committed similar offences in the past, none of which would have been possible at the time of the first trial. Would it be legitimate to say to the Court of Appeal that it should take all that into account in deciding whether a retrial should take place? I think that the Court of Appeal will be in a position to do that. If I am wrong, it would be helpful to know that now.
Hilary Benn
Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Home Office) (Minister for Prisons and Probation)
I am happy to confirm that the circumstances that the hon. Gentleman describes could apply.
Dominic Grieve
Shadow Minister (Home Affairs)
I am grateful to the Minister. That was the purpose of the Amendment. I do not intend, at this stage, to take the matter any further because, while I fully understand the logic of having the Clause to protect the new DNA evidence—otherwise the system would founder and be useless—this other aspect raises interesting questions. I have not seen anything to suggest that the professional bodies, never mind the public, have fully taken it into account. We may wish to revisit the matter on Report, or the Minister might
consider it further and provide clarification in writing—or otherwise—as to how he would expect the system to work. On that basis, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
The Chairman, being of the opinion that the principle of the clause and any matters arising thereon had been adequately discussed in the course of debate on the amendments proposed thereto, forthwith put the Question, pursuant to Standing Orders Nos. 68 and 89, That the clause stand part of the Bill:—
The Committee divided: Ayes 12, Noes 6.
Rhif adran 17
Adults Abused in Childhood — Clause 65 - New and compelling evidence
A parliamentary bill is divided into sections called clauses.
Printed in the margin next to each clause is a brief explanatory `side-note' giving details of what the effect of the clause will be.
During the committee stage of a bill, MPs examine these clauses in detail and may introduce new clauses of their own or table amendments to the existing clauses.
When a bill becomes an Act of Parliament, clauses become known as sections.
As a bill passes through Parliament, MPs and peers may suggest amendments - or changes - which they believe will improve the quality of the legislation.
Many hundreds of amendments are proposed by members to major bills as they pass through committee stage, report stage and third reading in both Houses of Parliament.
In the end only a handful of amendments will be incorporated into any bill.
The Speaker - or the chairman in the case of standing committees - has the power to select which amendments should be debated.
A parliamentary bill is divided into sections called clauses.
Printed in the margin next to each clause is a brief explanatory `side-note' giving details of what the effect of the clause will be.
During the committee stage of a bill, MPs examine these clauses in detail and may introduce new clauses of their own or table amendments to the existing clauses.
When a bill becomes an Act of Parliament, clauses become known as sections.
As a bill passes through Parliament, MPs and peers may suggest amendments - or changes - which they believe will improve the quality of the legislation.
Many hundreds of amendments are proposed by members to major bills as they pass through committee stage, report stage and third reading in both Houses of Parliament.
In the end only a handful of amendments will be incorporated into any bill.
The Speaker - or the chairman in the case of standing committees - has the power to select which amendments should be debated.
Ministers make up the Government and almost all are members of the House of Lords or the House of Commons. There are three main types of Minister. Departmental Ministers are in charge of Government Departments. The Government is divided into different Departments which have responsibilities for different areas. For example the Treasury is in charge of Government spending. Departmental Ministers in the Cabinet are generally called 'Secretary of State' but some have special titles such as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Ministers of State and Junior Ministers assist the ministers in charge of the department. They normally have responsibility for a particular area within the department and are sometimes given a title that reflects this - for example Minister of Transport.
The Opposition are the political parties in the House of Commons other than the largest or Government party. They are called the Opposition because they sit on the benches opposite the Government in the House of Commons Chamber. The largest of the Opposition parties is known as Her Majesty's Opposition. The role of the Official Opposition is to question and scrutinise the work of Government. The Opposition often votes against the Government. In a sense the Official Opposition is the "Government in waiting".
A document issued by the Government laying out its policy, or proposed policy, on a topic of current concern.Although a white paper may occasion consultation as to the details of new legislation, it does signify a clear intention on the part of a government to pass new law. This is a contrast with green papers, which are issued less frequently, are more open-ended and may merely propose a strategy to be implemented in the details of other legislation.
More from wikipedia here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_paper
The phrase stems from the 5th Amendment of the US Constitution; prohibiting individuals from being subject for the same offence to be "twice put in jeopardy of life and limb", and refers, in the strict sense, to three protections: protection from being retried for the same crime after an acquittal; protection from retrial after a conviction; and protection from being punished multiple times for the same offense.
When employed strictly, the mechanism can be used as a defense - for example, the policemen who beat up black motorist Rodney King in 1991 in Los Angeles, CA, were acquitted of assault in a county court, and as a result, could not be tried for those crimes in Federal court, and mirror court cases in the Southern United states in the 1960s where racially motivated crimes were not actively prosecuted nor convicted in local courts. A more pronounced example is that of U.S. citizen and terrorist Timothy McVeigh; sentenced to death for murdering eight U.S. federal employees with a bomb (as federal law only covers the federal employees killed in the explosion, a state court could have tried him for the deaths of the other hundred.
In 2003, Home Secretary David Blunkett abolished this strict form of double jeopardy; retrials are now allowed if there is 'new and compelling evidence'.
In addition, an optional protocol (specifically, the Seventh Protocol, Article Four) of the European Convention of Human Rights, which protects against double jeopardy, states: "No one shall be liable to be tried or punished again in criminal proceedings under the jurisdiction of the same State for an offence for which he has already been finally acquitted or convicted in accordance with the law and penal procedure of that State."; only Belgium, Germany, The Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom have not ratified this optional convention.
The House of Commons votes by dividing. Those voting Aye (yes) to any proposition walk through the division lobby to the right of the Speaker and those voting no through the lobby to the left. In each of the lobbies there are desks occupied by Clerks who tick Members' names off division lists as they pass through. Then at the exit doors the Members are counted by two Members acting as tellers. The Speaker calls for a vote by announcing "Clear the Lobbies". In the House of Lords "Clear the Bar" is called. Division Bells ring throughout the building and the police direct all Strangers to leave the vicinity of the Members’ Lobby. They also walk through the public rooms of the House shouting "division". MPs have eight minutes to get to the Division Lobby before the doors are closed. Members make their way to the Chamber, where Whips are on hand to remind the uncertain which way, if any, their party is voting. Meanwhile the Clerks who will take the names of those voting have taken their place at the high tables with the alphabetical lists of MPs' names on which ticks are made to record the vote. When the tellers are ready the counting process begins - the recording of names by the Clerk and the counting of heads by the tellers. When both lobbies have been counted and the figures entered on a card this is given to the Speaker who reads the figures and announces "So the Ayes [or Noes] have it". In the House of Lords the process is the same except that the Lobbies are called the Contents Lobby and the Not Contents Lobby. Unlike many other legislatures, the House of Commons and the House of Lords have not adopted a mechanical or electronic means of voting. This was considered in 1998 but rejected. Divisions rarely take less than ten minutes and those where most Members are voting usually take about fifteen. Further information can be obtained from factsheet P9 at the UK Parliament site.