My Lords, I add my thanks to the Minister for the way she introduced the Bill. I also congratulate our two maiden speakers on their highly relevant, interesting and insightful maiden speeches. Finally, I declare that some of my family members let three residential properties, although I do not.

There are many elements to the Bill, and perhaps the most referenced tonight is the removal of Section 21 notices and the objective of providing tenants with greater security of tenure. These notices certainly encouraged supply of rental accommodation but have been abused by some landlords in so-called no-fault evictions of tenants. The pendulum of legal rights is now swinging towards tenants. Some landlords may not like it, but it is the Government’s policy and, with their substantial House of Commons Majority, it will become law. I believe that most have now accepted that inevitability.

That said, there is evidence that this impending change is already leading to a reduction in the supply of property to rent while, at the same time, demand remains high and increasing. I will not delay the House further with figures today, but even the most enthusiastic advocates of ending Section 21 can claim that, at best, the supply of rented accommodation is flat. I therefore ask the Minister to clarify specifically whether the Government’s view is that ending Section 21 notices is expected to increase the supply of rented accommodation.

A related area of concern is the reversion to landlords having henceforth to go via the courts in Section 8 processes to regain possession of their property. Logically, this means that courts will have more cases than currently, as was confirmed by the noble and learned Lord, Lord Etherton, along with his other concerns, and was also raised by the noble Earls, Lord Kinnoull and Lord Leicester, and the noble Lord, Lord Thurlow.

While new tenant rights will take almost immediate effect, there is very little confidence that the already clogged court and tribunal systems will somehow be simultaneously transformed, apparently by using the magic of digital and AI, into swift and effective delivery mechanisms. I therefore ask the Minister to bear down, in the interests of both landlords and tenants, on the specifics and, in particular, the timetable for this seemingly miraculous transformation.

On a more positive note, and contrary to the tone around the Bill, there are many occasions when landlords and tenants have positive relationships. Consequently, both want to establish longer-term arrangements. This runs immediately into the difficulty that fixed-term tenancies have sometimes been used to trap tenants, but it does not have to be that way, as the noble Lord, Lord Truscott, touched on.

I plan to table a positive Amendment that would enable tenants and landlords, if requested by the tenant after four months of occupancy—when they should have been able to size up their landlord and the property; of course, the reverse also applies—to go forward to mutual benefit on a longer-term basis, crucially without removing the tenant’s ability to depart on two months’ notice. This, like other aspects of the Bill, will apply only to some landlord-tenant circumstances, but the Bill needs to make such agreements at least possible. If it does not, informal or verbal agreements will develop outside the legislation, and these tend to end in tears. Tenant groups with which I have discussed the draft amendment have written to me to confirm that they think it has the potential to help tenants have greater security in the context that I have described.

I may also table amendments in two other areas that we might consider in order to maintain a better balance between landlords and tenants. The first is the case of rent arrears: the Bill requires three months’ arrears, plus four weeks’ notice, plus—according to the Ministry of Justice—some seven months for court processes. This will make rental properties unrentable and unavailable for almost 12 months, which is too long.

Secondly, where the landlord seeks to sell a property under the new ground 1A, the evidence shows that the period of 12 months to prove the property has been marketed is twice the length necessary. With suitable evidential safeguards—again, crucial—the property should be made available to rent after just six months. Both these amendments address the need to sustain rather than contract the supply of suitable rental accommodation.

I have two final points. First, as we seek to make these adjustments to the landlord-tenant relationship, the fundamental—on which many have touched—is a mismatch between supply and demand. As long as the housing stock available to rent is so out of kilter with demand, systemic problems of non-availability and methods of rationing—overt or unspoken—will remain. In particular, landlords will be even more selective than they are now about who they choose to rent to—and they still have a choice.

Secondly—and I have raised this before—while the Government assure us, in exactly the same way as the last Government did, that most landlords are good, the real target for improvements in standards of accommodation and tenant rights should be, as we were reminded by the noble Lords, Lord Shipley, Lord Thurlow and Lord Carter, the minority of bad ones. These individuals, and in some cases gangs, do not care for written agreements, the decent homes standard or legal niceties; their activities are based on force, extortion and neglect.

The Bill risks—do I dare say this?—helping mainly middle-class renters to gain and assert their rights. Unless we get much more serious about enforcement, which means properly resourcing it against truly exploitative landlords, life for those at the bottom of the housing ladder, where the direst needs and worst poverty coexist, will remain untouched despite this well-intentioned Bill—as it presently stands.