Oral Answers to Questions — Attorney-General – in the House of Commons am 12:00 am ar 14 Hydref 1991.
Dennis Skinner
Member, Labour Party National Executive Committee
12:00,
14 Hydref 1991
To ask the Attorney-General what recent discussions he has had with the Serious Fraud Office regarding banking and financial transactions; and if he will make a statement.
Sir Patrick Mayhew
, Tunbridge Wells
I have frequent discussions with the director of the Serious Fraud Office about matters of departmental interest. The specific subjects discussed need to remain confidential.
Dennis Skinner
Member, Labour Party National Executive Committee
Have the Attorney-General and the Serious Fraud Office been discussing financial transactions to the Tory party in the form of donations by Greeks and Hong Kong business men? What special favours have been handed out to those business people by the Government? Why is it that the Tory party has taken money from Asil Nadir when that same man is under investigation by the Serious Fraud Office? Will the chairman of the Tory party send the money back? If it is right to investigate the National Union of Mineworkers' finances involving money from abroad, why cannot we have the same investigation into money for the Tory party?
Sir Patrick Mayhew
, Tunbridge Wells
Who subscribes to what and to whom is not a matter for me. I shall refer matters relating to the NUM to the hon. Gentleman, who is its vicar upon earth, or at least upon the surface. It seems extremely unfair for the hon. Gentleman—[Interruption.] Perhaps I might be allowed to intrude in the hon. Gentleman's conversation. It seems a little unfair for the hon. Gentleman to suggest that a man who is already facing 18 criminal charges brought by the Serious Fraud Office has previously sought improper favours by means of some subscription. If he reflects on that, I think that he, with his well-known fairness, will consider that it is unfair.
Mr Anthony Beaumont-Dark
, Birmingham, Selly Oak
Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that it is nonsensical to talk about fraud as victimless crime? I have in mind those who are involved with the BCCI scandal and many other such matters. I ask my right hon. and learned Friend to accept that it is not a criticism of the Serious Fraud Office to say that it would be better if it could have more staff and if there could be greater co-operation with the City regulatory bodies. So often the victim gets fleeced and the fleecer gets clear away. Is it not time that we got in quicker and made sure that those involved with finance know that they cannot get away with these crimes, which are not victimless?
Sir Patrick Mayhew
, Tunbridge Wells
They are certainly not victim-less. That is why this Government—not a Labour Government—created the Serious Fraud Office with unique powers of investigation. Nor do victims have to suffer, seeing that nobody gets away. Since the end of the past financial year, 10 trials have been brought to a conclusion. Seventeen defendants have been convicted and only two of the total have been acquitted.
My hon. Friend also referred to staffing. The matter is kept under close review and supervision by the director. The staff is now up to the maximum permitted level. If I thought—and if the director thought—that a significant shortfall had occurred, I would take steps to see that it was remedied.
The political party system in the English-speaking world evolved in the 17th century, during the fight over the ascension of James the Second to the Throne. James was a Catholic and a Stuart. Those who argued for Parliamentary supremacy were called Whigs, after a Scottish word whiggamore, meaning "horse-driver," applied to Protestant rebels. It was meant as an insult.
They were opposed by Tories, from the Irish word toraidhe (literally, "pursuer," but commonly applied to highwaymen and cow thieves). It was used — obviously derisively — to refer to those who supported the Crown.
By the mid 1700s, the words Tory and Whig were commonly used to describe two political groupings. Tories supported the Church of England, the Crown, and the country gentry, while Whigs supported the rights of religious dissent and the rising industrial bourgeoisie. In the 19th century, Whigs became Liberals; Tories became Conservatives.