Part of the debate – in the House of Commons am 12:00 am ar 13 Rhagfyr 1973.
The hon. Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone (Mr. McManus) said that it was a long way from Northern Ireland to the Isle of Wight. The people who are now on the Isle of Wight need not have come here in the first place. As for his inability to answer the specific question posed by the hon. Member for Leeds, South (Mr. Merlyn Rees), I do not think that any comment is necessary about that.
I apologise for not being in the Chamber during the earlier stages of the debate. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Chigwell (Mr. Biggs-Davison) on the determined way in which he delivered his speech. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State on his new appointment, and I welcome him here, in that capacity. He has qualities which I am sure will be well appreciated by the people of Northern Ireland.
In the past I have disagreed with some aspects of policy in Northern Ireland, notably the aspect of policy which brings us back today. However, that is water under the bridge. I welcome the proposals which are before us. Recently I visited Northern Ireland after a gap of six months. It was interesting to see how the situation had changed. It appears that the terrorists have been driven from their city strongholds back to the borders. That is a major objective.
A new political initiative has been taken which I believe will open up new and unexpected opportunities. Some sections of the majority population of Northern Ireland are still fearful and resentful. They do not know what the future will hold. It is possible that violence could be triggered off by unscrupulous people. As for those who tried to wreck the Assembly, I believe that they will gain no sympathy in this country for their cause.
A vicious campaign is going on against the RUC—namely, the murder or attacking of RUC constables, by the IRA. Further, we cannot rule out attempts at political assassination and possible civil industrial action. We are now balanced on a knife edge between opportunity and senseless chaos. There is an opportunity in the present situation which I should like to expand upon. I was always sceptical about power sharing and whether it could really work. Following my visit to Northern Ireland, and having had talks with many leaders of political parties in Northern Ireland, I believe that the political chemistry of Northern Ireland has undergone a change. We would be burying our heads in the sand if we did not recognise that. That is the sort of thing which we find when we do not live in a country but visit it from time to time. In that situation we notice the changes which take place.
That change seems to have come about after months of suffering and weeks of hard, hammering talks which culminated in the talks at Sunningdale. There seems to have grown up a new relationship between the opposing political parties. I feel sure that that will have its effect on the Executive and upon its work.
We have heard criticism about what the talks possibly gave away in respect of the Unionist cause. I believe, paradoxically, that a united Ireland is perhaps less near now than it was before the talks took place. I understand that on several issues the rival parties in Northern Ireland came together in unison during the talks to put their case against the case put forward by the South. I understand that that happened, for example, on unanimity, on the location of the All-Ireland Court, and on proportional representation.
It may well be that we shall hear, as a result of the Council of Ireland, less and less about a united Ireland. Another factor is the harmonising function of the Council. There will be closer alignment between the laws and institutions of the South and the laws and the institutions of Great Britain. That applies particularly to the formation of the new police authority. That may well have the effect of drawing Southern Ireland closer to the institutions of the United Kingdom.
I believe that there were advances for the Loyalist side on the question of the police authority in the agreement of the Republican Government to form a police authority and that the Executive should have power through the police authority as soon as the security problem is resolved. This goes much further than the position before the talks took place. Above all, it seems to me that, curiously enough, relationships have been formed between the parties which went to these talks which could lead to a harmonious Executive, and that power sharing may be transformed into the use of joint power for these parties to speak with one voice.
If these talks have been a success, we shall need early proof—the people of Northern Ireland will expect it—that the accord actually means something, and means something on the ground. We need an early demonstration that there is going to be security co-operation on the border and that efforts will be made to bring to justice the criminals on the run in the South.
I believe that at this juncture of our affairs in the United Kingdom it is vitally important that these new institutions work, particularly in the grave home and international situation which we now face—a situation which will be doubly compounded for Northern Ireland and for the South of Ireland if this strife and violence continue.