I emphasised the doubt exists. Perhaps my hon. Friend the Minister of State will deal with that point.

I should like an assurance that the Royal Ulster Constabulary will not be reorganised. In a recent public statement, a Minister in the South of Ireland referred to an agreement for a radical reorganisation of the constabulary. I have been told in answers to questions in the last few weeks that no radical reorganisation is planned. In view of this statement and the doubts in Northern Ireland, will my hon. Friend deal with the matter and say something about recruitment for the constabulary, the progress which it has made, and the support which Her Majesty's Government intend to give the police while they remain under the control of the Secretary of State?

Will the provision in the 1861 Act about the trial of murderers be enforced retrospectively? I believe that there are 30 men in the South who are wanted for murder and other serious crimes in the North. What action is to be taken to bring them to justice? Will the action promised by the Southern Irish Government be retrospective? Will it be extended to include serious crimes other than murder?

To what extent will the new Executive set up under the Council of Ireland have power to act independently? To what extent will its actions have to be endorsed by the Parliaments in the South and North? What power of veto will the Assembly have over any executive function exercised by the new council of which it disapproves?

Turning to the guarantee of the status of Northern Ireland to which my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Down, South referred, I wish to dissociate myself from his disparaging remarks about the United Nations. We must distinguish between the United Nations and the old League of Nations. It is true that the 1928 agreement was lodged with the League of Nations, but that body was never very effective and was totally different from the United Nations. The valuable agreement incorporated in the communiqué recognising the status of Northern Ireland and lodged with the United Nations will have much greater effect. It will give far more assurance than arose from the settlement which followed the 1920 Act. In the light of enforcement of international law, the agreement is real and meaningful. It should, therefore, give much more reassurance to the people of Northern Ireland than they enjoyed previously.

Does my right hon. Friend intend to let the position rest there? The second clause of the constitution of the South lays claim to exercising dominion over the whole island of Ireland. That is inconsistent with the assurance about status. Will my right hon. Friend press the Government in the South to amend their Constitution? What discussions have taken place under this head? What assurances have been given? If none has been given, I urge my right hon. Friend to pursue this matter vigorously because it is of great concern to Northern Ireland. If the Government in the South were prepared to amend their Constitution, it would augur well for the new Assembly and for restoring law and order in the North, because it would renew the confidence of many of the majority—the Loyalists or Unionists—in Northern Ireland who are questioning the intentions of Her Majesty's Government in guaranteeing the continued existence and integrity of Ulster.

I am glad to see present hon. Friends who have recently visited Northern Ireland. My hon. Friend the Member for Chigwell has been there 40 or 50 times in the past three years, which is an incredible record for a Member of this House. My hon. Friends the Members for Windsor (Dr. Glyn) and Esher (Mr. Mather) have been to Northern Ireland in the last few days and have seen the position on the border. They know of the raids which take place across the border. There was a recent raid again on the police station at Beleek. What steps do the Government intend to take to improve security on the border? What improvement in security will result from the Sunningdale conference? What does my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State expect to be the effect of the discussions which he had with members of the former Government of Northern Ireland during the conference? What assurance has he had from them?

What measure of autonomy will the new Executive have? What will be its powers? Will it have control over the Council of Ireland and the acts of the council? Is it intended by Her Majesty's Government that the Executive's powers will be gradually increased and that when responsibility for security is handed back the Executive will be an autonomous body comparable with the Government which existed before Stormont was suspended in March last year? I envisage as a result of the Sunningdale conference and the recent acts of Her Majesty's Government moves being made to bring about better community relations in Northern Ireland. That is the first and foremost problem facing the Government, and they have grappled with it.

Secondly, I see arising from the agreement a better economic and social future in Northern Ireland. With the chronic shortage of oil, fuel and basic raw materials, I see no future for Ireland in the direction that certain minority loyalist groups would like to take. UDI spells disaster, massive unemployment in shipyards and aircraft factories and reductions in social services, pensions and family allowances. Many people would be forced to go abroad to find employment. The only sensible future for Northern Ireland lies in the direction laid down in the communiqué and the steps that the Government have taken.

Perhaps my hon. Friend will say what progress has been made with industrial development. We welcome the news of a few days ago that two factories are to extend their enterprises. It is relevant to the debate and to the future that development should continue. Will development still be in the hands of Westminster, or how far will it be devolved to Ministers in the new Assembly?

I wish my right hon. Friend well in his new appointment and every success to the new Executive which is to come into being on 1st January.