—we do not know how long —in a complete fraud. All these debates will mean absolutely nothing. The Minister has decided everything in advance and Harrow, like other places, has to lump it.

In the case of Harrow there is a particularly strong case because the figures show only small changes and even if we take the figures in all the Harrow constituencies, before or after these proposals, in no case would they become very high or very low. They are all well within the range. In my view, there is nothing in the instructions which were given to the Boundary Commission which entitles the Commission to make such changes as it has made in Harrow. The Commission seems to have done it for fun, knowing that the Minister will stand by the changes in any case and that they will not be exposed to detailed examination.

If we are not to have this state of affairs again, we must tell the Boundary Commission at any rate—we may have some effect on the Commission even if we have no effect on the Government—that this kind of tomfoolery will not be tolerated. What is the sense of taking 2,000 or 3,000 from one constituency to another when that does not make any difference to the general principles of the scheme? There is no detailed instruction to the Boundary Commission which entitles it to make any such changes. Therefore, we ought to have a much better explanation from the Government on this issue, even though, apparently, it is not to be opposed.

I am told that although this is a legitimate process in Harrow it may have some advantageous by-products, but I am opposed to the methods by which the Boundary Commission has operated whether there are advantageous by-products or not. We should ex amine each of these proposals for the simple reason that neither the Minister nor he Government have taken the trouble to examine any of them in detail and report to the House on them. They have not tried to explain why in this case it was necessary to switch these wards.