I agree that this is a question upon which we should not introduce old economic arguments. I think hon. Members will exonerate me from hiding strong views in that direction. But, after all, we heard a speech yesterday which practically informed the country that we have got to settle down and accept an unemployment figure of 800,000 men as normal for all time. We were only discussing earlier this week relief provisions which are moving in the direction of establishing a dole system practically from the cradle to the grave. The consequence is that it really does seem to me that this question of our export trade and our internal trade ought to be put on the basis of a more or less non-controversial character, and that we should do everything we can to encourage a really impartial inquiry into this question which will be helpful to the House apart from what one might call the fiscal controversy.

We have many entirely different factors to consider. The President of the Board of Trade has told us that our trade with Europe is practically comparable with pre-War totals. I think that the hon. Gentleman who spoke from the Liberal benches stated what we can all accept as correct when he said that the great amount of that trade is being kept going, simply to hold our markets, at very little profit to those concerned. Then the President of the Board of Trade went on to tell us that our trade with the Empire is practically the same as it was pre-War, also with regard to ratio; but I think he will be the first to agree that that trade is immensely more profitable, where the question of profitable trade comes into consideration.

I feel that his confession that our trade with the Empire at the present time is only comparable in ratio to that of pre-War times is really in itself sufficient to warrant an immediate inquiry, because I suppose that no one, whatever their views, will deny the great advantage of Empire trade to this country. We have, as has often been pointed out by numerous speakers from every point of view, in the past discussed this question of the exchange of trade, and imports being paid for by exports, and we have always been told, and it is quite true, of course, that the more you buy, the more, probably, you sell in the long run. Surely it must be clear to everyone that, if you can have that double replacement of capital within the Empire, you are doing something that is strengthening both ends of the trading arrangements, and therefore, that we should do everything in our power to carry it out. I was sorry that the President of the Board of Trade did not tell us what the Government intend to do in order to carry out the spirit of that decision of the Economic Conference. Is he prepared to do everything in his power to grant credits on a large scale, in order to encourage trade within the Empire?

I believe that opinion in this House is veering round in the direction of doing everything that is possible to stimulate migration within the Empire for those who really desire to go and are likely to prove successful; but it is no good encouraging all these hopes, and endeavouring to encourage a large system of migration, unless we can do something at the other end to make sure that those British settlers will find security for their markets. We have had big schemes put before this country in the last year by three Prime Ministers of different States in Australia with regard to this question, but it is no good our paying the fares of settlers to go to Australia, or anywhere else, unless we can secure work for them at the other end, and for that reason it does seem to me that it is vital, while encouraging migration, to do everything that can be done to build up the security of the markets. The President of the Board of Trade has, as I understand it, and I rejoiced to hear it, given what amounts—I think he will not correct me—to a specific pledge that the Cabinet are about to consider setting up a Committee. My hon. Friend the Member for Drake (Sir A. Shirley Benn) has suggested an independent chairman, and the President of the Board of Trade seemed to think that a distinguished Judge or other legal authority was not, perhaps, the best, but I think we have to remember that my hon. Friend's proposal is that that Committee should be absolutely equally divided amongst the parties, so that there would not be the usual majority for one party and a Minority Report. If that be so, I think it is obvious that it is desirable that there should be someone—although I do not like lawyers—with a legal frame of mind, who can properly assist in assessing the evidence, and who is used to assessing and summing up. An hon. Member says, "Put a brigadier on." I dare say you might do worse. Not all brigadiers are scoundrels, and I would say the same of lawyers. But whoever the chairman is that the President of the Board of Trade recommends the Prime Minister to appoint, it must be obvious that he should be someone, if possible, who has not been actively engaged, let us say, in economic warfare in the past.

I only want to say one other word, and it is this: Whereas the internal trade of this country is, of course, of immensely greater importance than our export trade as to total value, I think that men of all parties have come to the conclusion that really we have exhausted the roads towards palliatives, as far as regards providing work of a non-remunerative character. That being so, it surely is our bounden duty—I am not going to say to explore every avenue, and I am not going to suggest that you can discover new markets—to find out which are the markets where we can most profitably advance our policy and do the best we can with regard to credit. I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for the decision as far as it goes. I understand it is a specific pledge; that he will approach the Prime Minister, and that this Committee is to be set up. When he suggests that two to three months is all too short for this purpose, there seems to me no reason why this Committee should not get to work at once. I doubt whether it is possible for the Government to introduce any new Measures for finding work in this country other than those which have been already tried. There is no good us fiddling while Rome is burning. If we are to save the moral of the people, it is vital we should find some new way of providing work. That is only possible by extending our trade overseas.