I am sorry that hon. Members should have chosen to import into this discussion questions which are quite foreign to it. The Universities in this country are the most complete expression of syndicalism that this country has ever seen, and many of us have no desire whatever to limit the real autonomy of the Universities. It is utter nonsense for hon. Members to pretend that we on these benches wish to place the heavy hand of the State on Universities and every other form of organised life. It is thoroughly untrue. We have as much regard for the liberty of these institutions as hon. Members opposite. Our attitude on this question is determined by the fact that there is no justification in 1923 for any differentiation between the sexes at any place of learning, and we would remind hon. Members who are opposed to the Amendment that Cambridge is the only University left in Great Britain which does not grant equal privileges to men and women members of it. It is not infringing upon the real autonomy of the University to say that it shall offer to all its children equal opportunities and equal privileges. On the contrary, my submission is that, by helping the University of Cambridge in this difficult decision that it must make sooner or later, we shall very substantially help the University itself. I hope that hon. Members will not vote on this question as though it were a matter of Socialism and individualism. It is sheer nonsense, and is an unfair method of dealing with this Amendment, to bring into it questions of State aid and questions of the Socialist party, when the mere point at issue is as to whether, this opportunity having arisen, the Commissioners appointed for the University of Cambridge should be instructed, on this one issue which divides Cambridge from all the other Universities of the country, to bring it into line with University opinion everywhere else.

I do not admit for one moment that the University of Cambridge is against the inclusion of women within all the rights and privileges of University life. I submit that the fact that Cambridge has not taken this step is not due to the people who are in Cambridge and of Cambridge, who are intimately associated with all its life and work, but that it is due to those old gentlemen who have retired to country rectories, and who wish to preserve the University of Cambridge as they knew it a quarter of a century or half a century ago. I think it is clear that, in the University itself, those who will be responsible for its teaching and administration during the next 25 years are by a large majority in favour of this step, and that, instead of the dead hand of the State being pressed upon the University, the truth is that the hand of a dying generation is strangling the freedom of the University at the present time. It is suggested that, if you will only allow Cambridge University time, it will come into line with the prevailing sentiment in University circles in this country; but in the meantime a very serious injustice is being done to hundreds of women at Cambridge University, and we are entitled to put the one against the other. Shall we hurry up this process, which is bound to come sooner or later, or shall we allow women at Cambridge to continue to suffer disabilities which are bound to interfere with the efficiency and the value of the University, and are bound to react unfavourably on these women themselves? Shall we take the plunge and help, so far as we can, to bring Cambridge into line with modern thought and modern practice? I suggest to right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite that they should free themselves from prejudices on this matter, and, that even if they feel that it is wrong to interfere in any degree with the automony of the University of Cambridge, they must admit that it would be much better to do a little wrong on this occasion in order to do a great right to the women of Cambridge University.